ANEXES

Footnotes

1 Nittin Desai, United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Policy Coordination and Sustainable Development, In: NGLS, Social Priorities of Civil Society. Speeches by Non-Governmental Organizations at the World Summit for Social Development, Copenhagen 6-12 March 1995, Development Dossiers, United Nations, Geneva, 1996, pp. vii.

2 Juan Somavía, Inaugural Address, published in: NGLS, Social Priorities of Civil Society. Speeches by Non-Governmental Organizations at the World Summit for Social Development, Copenhagen 6-12 March 1995, Development Dossiers, United Nations, Geneva, 1996, pp. 135-140.

3 Max van den Berg for Eurostep, published in: NGLS, Social Priorities of Civil Society. Speeches by Non-Governmental Organizations at the World Summit for Social Development, Copenhagen 6-12 March 1995, Development Dossiers, United Nations, Geneva, 1996, pp. 35-37.

4 Persverklaring. Het Sociale Gezicht van de VN. Plannen voor verdere actie: nieuwe campagne Social Watch, Novib, Copenhagen, The Hague, March 6 1995.

5 Bissio, Roberto, 'Occupying new space for public life. Politics and People in a network society.' Whose World is it Anyway? Civil Society, the United Nations and the multilateral future (Foster, J. & Anand, A.), Published by the United Nations Association in Canada, Ottawa, 2000.

6 M. van Reisen, De Sociale Top: Instrument voor Herijking van Ontwikkelings-samenwerking (The Social Summit, Instrument for reassessment of Development Co-operation), Derde Wereld, Vol 13, Nr. 4, 1995.

7 Mahbub Ul Haq, Special Advisor to the Administrator of UNDP, In: The Earth Times, February 7, Vol. VI, No. 7., 1994, p. 1-5.

8 United Nations, Report of the Preparatory Committee for the World Summit for Social Development, General Assembly, Official Records, Forty-eighth Session, Supplement No. 24 (A/48/24), New York, 1993. The meeting was held on April 12 - 16, 1993.

9 The Earth Times, February 1 1994, Vol. VI, no. 3, p. 5.

10 The Resolution set out the following broad objectives: 1) to further the objectives of the Charter of the United Nations; 2) to put the needs of people at the centre of development; 3) to stimulate international cooperation; 4) to formulate strategies on goals, policies and priority actions; 5) to address the interaction between the social function of the State, the market and social demands; 6) to identify common problems of marginalized and disadvantaged groups; 7) to promote programmes to ensure legal protection and enhance education and training; 8) to highlight the need to mobilise resources for social development; 9) to make recommendations to the UN system.

11 The meeting was held in Santiago, Chile, April 20-22nd, 1993, convened by the International Council for Adult Education and the South American Peace Committee. The objective of the Alliance is to "constitute ourselves as an organizing committee to enhance public participation of social actors in the preparatory process towards the World Summit through the People's Alliance for Social Development". People's Alliance for Social Development, Non Governmental Organizations in support of the World Summit on Social Development, undated information document.

12 Letter by Carlos Contreras, Comisión Sudamericana de Paz, to Mrs. Mirjam van Reisen, June 9th 1993.

13 Social Summit Special Edition, Novib News, 1993, 11th edition, special issue.

14 Max van den Berg, Lichtenstein revisited. Novib tussen Washington en New York, Reisverslag, 19 t/m 23 Juli 1993. [Novib between Washington and New York, Travel account]

15 The term 'partner-organisation' is used by Novib to refer to organisations whose projects it supports. With some NGOs Novib has a long-standing relationship of co-operation in different areas, including financial support political co-operation and otherwise, that the term 'partnership' specifically relates to.

16 Information from Eveline Herfkens to Max van den Berg, ibid.

17 Conferencia de Mexico sobre desarollo social y pobreza, Oaxaca, 8-11 September 1993. This conference was attended by delegations of 63 countries. The objective of the conference was to 'contribuir con ello a los trabajos preparatorios de la Reunión Mundial en la Cumbre sobre desarollo Social" [to contribute to the preparations of the Summit on Social Development].

18 This group is having a meeting in Oaxaca coinciding with the official conference on structural adjustment policies. The meeting is organised by the Washington-based organisation DGAP.

19 Travel account Mirjam van Reisen, August-September 1993, Social Summit in Mexico.

20 See the original text in annex 1 from the NGO statement made on September 10, 1993, and sent to Somavia.

21 UNDP undertakes to play a facilitating role at the national level for the preparations.

22 Memo from Roberto Bissio to Mirjam / Novib, Oaxaca, Mexico, Sept. 9, 1993.

23 Ibid.

24 Ibid.

25 Novib, Memo 'Wenen mr conferentie', Van Ingrid, Mirjam aan Francesco, Dated 26/7/93; letter to the Members of the Reference Group by Novib (Ingrid van Tienhoven, Mirjam van Reisen), 9/7/93.

26 In February 1994 Novib and ITeM agree that the task of the information manager is to be 'an information broker' and not in independent advocacy or administrative logistical matters, as stated in the contract. Nevertheless Novib did engage the information officer in logistical preparations for the PrepComs. Verslag Dienstreis Allert van den Ham naar de Verenigde Staten, 5-12 februari, 1994, p. 8.

27 The reference group set up by Novib included the following organisations: IBASE (Brazil), Fase (Brazil), Entre Mujeres/CLADEM (Peru), Centro Flora Tristan (Peru), CIPCA (Bolivia), Concertación Centroamericana de Organismos de Desarollo (Nicaragua), CEDEP (..), ICD (..) Equipo Pueblo (Mexico), ENDA (Senegal), FIDA (Uganda), TWN Africa (Ghana), Inter Africa Group (Ethiopia), ORAP (Zimbabwe), Group for Environmental Monitoring (South Africa), Women's Affairs (Israel), LBBT (Indonesia), Centre for Education and Documentation (India), PRRM (Philippines), ADAB (Bangladesh), Proshika (Bangladesh), TWN (Malaysia), ITeM (Uruguay), IHRLG (Washington), IPS (Italy). The composition of the group changed over time, and also became more flexible and fluid in time. Caroline Wildeman to Max van den Berg, Novib Internal Memo, Date 17 December 1993, Subject: Eurostep working group Social Summit.

28 Novib, Caroline Wildeman to Andy Wehkamp et. al, Memo, Social Summit/Vrouwenconferentie [women's conference].,17 september 1993.

29 Max van den Berg to Allert van de Ham, Internal Memo, Subject: Verslag n.a.v. bezoek aan Penang [Report concerning visit to Penang, MvR], January 5 1994. The Meeting in Penang was held from December 31 1993 to January 2 1994.

30 These were called 'regional platform meetings' and were an instrument for dialogue on a variety of issues between Novib and a regional grouping of its 'partners'.

31 Max van den Berg to Allert van de Ham, Novib Internal Memo, Subject: People's Alliance, Date: 6.12.93. A symbolic contribution of Dfl. 25.000 was agreed.

32 Verslag dienstreis Allert van de Ham naar de Verenigde States (5-12 februari 1994). 4 board members of El Taller are also in the reference group.

33 Email message 8 November 1993, from John Schlanger (IPS) to Roberto Bissio (ITeM), subject: job description. Email message from Roberto Bissio to Eddie Farwell, December 14 1993, Subject: Magela in New York?

34 Email message 29 November 1993 from Allert van den Ham (Novib) to Roberto Bissio (ITeM), Subject: job offer.

35 Contact between Novib and WEDO was established just before the first PrepCom. Fax from Susan Davies, Executive Director WEDO to Mirjam van Reisen, Novib, December 28, 1993. In this letter WEDO also asked Novib for a financial contribution.

36 WEDO under the leadership of American old lady Bella Abzug suffered from an image that it leaned too much to US feminist perspectives.

37 Susan Davis, Director of WEDO, to Max van den Berg, Novib, of February 17, 1994, reads: "It always helps when the sun shines and one hears that funding is coming through. We appreciate the symbolic contribution (..) because symbols are important. We do value the partnership with Novib.."

38 Eurostep, minutes of the Steering Committee, 24 March 1993.

39 Eurostep, minutes of the General Assembly, June 18-19, 1993.

40 Eurostep, minutes of the General Assembly, December 9-10, 1993.

41 Cooperation of Eurostep Members Around the Social Summit. A Request to the Steering Committee. Undated report of the meeting. A meeting was held in The Hague, attended by NCOS, MS, terre des hommes Germany, HIVOS, NOVIB, Action Aid, Mani Tese, Oxfam, the gender working group and the Eurostep Secretariat.

42 In the first PrepCom Oxfam UKI, terre des hommes Germany, OIKOS (Portugal), Action Aid (UK) and Novib were involved. Caroline Wildeman to Max van den Berg, Novib Internal Memo, Date 17 December 1993, Subject: Eurostep Working Group Social Summit. In time increasingly more Members became active in the process.

43 Nitin Desai, UN Under-Secretary for Policy Coordination and Sustainable Development, quoted in: Jaya Dayal, United Nations: Opening Doors wider to NGOs met with caution, IPS, New York, February 19 1994.

44 Annabel Wiener, Deputy Secretary-General of the World Federation of U.N. Associations (WFUNA), quoted by Jaya Dayal, ibid.

45 Jaya Dayal, ibid.

46 Letter from Rosalind Harris, President of CONGO, to Ambassador Somavía, 3 November 1993.

47 Memo, from Mirjam van Reisen to Max van den Berg. Subject: ICVA. Date: 6/12/93.

48 Roberto Bissio (TWN) to Mirjam van Reisen (Novib), fax, dated 11 January 1994, p. 2.

49 The position taken was a result of problems arisen between Southern NGOs and CONGO during UNCED preparations. Roberto Bissio (TWN) to Mirjam van Reisen (Novib), fax, dated 11 January 1994.

50 NGLS is only willing to do it if there are very solid arguments. NY NGLS Director states that the NGOs need to think about the way in which the vacuum of NGO representation could best be filled. Mirjam van Reisen (Novib) to Carlos Heredia (Equipo Pueblo), Fax, date: 11/1/1194, Subject: Social Summit.

51 Mirjam van Reisen to Max van den Berg, Novib Internal Memo, 11/1/1994, Subject: Social Summit.

52 Minutes of the Meeting of NGOs Attending the Social Summit 1st PrepCom. February 9, 1994; Magela Sigillito, World Summit for Social Development, First Session of the Preparatory Committee, January 31 - February 11, 1994, Information Dossier.

53 Ibid.

54 Cordillera People's Alliance Philippines, DAWN, EURODAD, EUROSTEP, Instituto del Tercer Mundo, Uruguay, The International Human Rights Law Group, Washington, Third World Network and WEDO initially endorsed it. Twelve Points to Save the Social Summit. An NGO Statement for the Second Session of the Preparatory Committee of the Social Summit, 25th August 1994.

55 The Quality Benchmark for the Social Summit. An NGO statement for the third session of the Preparatory Committee of the Social Summit, September 1994.

56 A Question of Credibility. Statement on behalf of the NGOs in the development caucus on the revision of the Programme of Action (29/8/94)

57 Did we achieve the Quality Benchmark? An NGO assessment of the Social Summit Declaration and Programme of Action. 10 March 1995.

58 Participants of the meeting were Roberto Bissio, Simon Stocker and Mirjam van Reisen.

59 Translation MvR. Persverklaring. Het Sociale gezicht van de VN. Eerste Reactie van Novib op de resultaten van de Sociale Top. Plannen voor Verdere actie: Nieuwe Campagne Social Watch. Heerko Dijksterhuis, Greetje Lubbi, Novib, undated. (Press Statement, The Social face of the UN. First reaction of Novib to the results of the Social Summit. Plans for further action: new campaign Social Watch.

60 Email by Caroline Wildeman (Novib) to Roberto Bissio, 29th November 1995, Subject: Social Watch Document.

61 Social Watch Programme of Action 1996-1999.

62 Roberto Bissio, unpublished.

63 Ibid.

1 - Foreword

What is Social Watch? How was Social Watch created? Does it reflect a change in NGO relations with multilateral organisations? How does it link local experience with multilateral negotiations on social development? How did it make use of new electronic communication technologies? And by employing these new electronic communication technologies, did Social Watch transform NGO networking in international negotiation processes?

I accepted with great pleasure the assignment to produce an analysis of the 'pre-history' of Social Watch - the events leading up to the actual establishment of Social Watch. Having been part of those events myself I thought it would be quite a challenge to look at this period in hindsight, and in a more or less 'objective' way.

With the distance created by time I found elements and traces of important aspects that today define the nature of Social Watch, aspects which I had myself not consciously seen previously. I was surprised by the clarity of views of important actors involved in the setting up of Social Watch, on how to develop NGO participation in the Social Summit as early as 1993. I was also surprised by the convergence of similar ideas among a wide range of actors among the NGOs participating in the Summit preparations. In hindsight I could also identify more easily mistakes that were made - even if they were done with the best of intentions.

This document has benefited from the views of many. The exercise of looking at how Social Watch came about has strengthened my belief that Social Watch is a unique project of advocacy by NGOs. Its strength is the connection of local experiences with an international advocacy agenda, experimenting with the use of modern communications technology as a means to mobilise.

As this is a complex process there is no doubt that many obstacles continuously need to be overcome to make improvements. I think that I am right when I state that many of us involved in the Social Summit wanted Social Watch to succeed, and are grateful that it did. There is also little doubt that the accomplishment has been produced by the skilful handling of an intensely complex process in which many precarious and sensitive tensions were dealt with by the talented and capable leadership of the Social Watch secretariat, in particular Roberto Bissio, Patricia Garce and Constanza Moreira. It is my sincere hope that the analysis presented here will contribute to a deeper understanding of Social Watch - its origin, its aspirations, its methods and its achievements.

Mirjam van Reisen

La Hulpe, 14 February 2000

For any comments communicate to:
mvreisen@xs4all.be

"This Summit is a historic and unique platform for global social development. But we must not give the impression that the Summit alone will dramatically change daily life. (..) The true significance of the Summit will therefore have to be measured by what happens after the Summit. This is only the beginning of a new, global process."

Opening Statement by H.E. Mr. Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, Prime Minister of Denmark, President of the Summit.

2 -Introduction

The UN World Summit for Social Development (WSSD) held in Copenhagen (Denmark) from 6-12 March 1995 was attended by a 117 governments, and was the greatest gathering of Heads of State so far in history. The world leaders committed themselves to a Declaration and Action Programme covering the broad spectrum of political, economic and social measures necessary to eradicate poverty. It was a landmark, not only in terms of the size of participation, but also in terms of the depth of issues dealt with. It was the first time that the international community committed itself to the eradication of poverty.

In the Social Summit, as it was more commonly referred to, around 20.000 people from 180 countries participated. Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) had played a crucial role in the preparations of the Summit, which, therefore, was not only a landmark at the official level but a marking point for the relations between the UN and NGOs:

"The landmark World Summit for Social Development (WSSD) was many things to different groups and actors. In terms of NGO-UN relations, it was a turning point."1

Social Watch emerged from this process in which NGOs from South and North co-operated in a strong coalition with the goal to influence the positions of their respective governments in order to improve the substantive outcome of the Summit. At the Summit many realised that its worth was not in the event itself, important as it may have been, but in the follow-up. Ambassador Juan Somavía, Chairman of the Preparatory Committee for the World Summit for Social Development, stated in his inaugural address to the thousands of participants at the Summit:

"I am here to say that without you - all of you present here today and the millions that you represent - the World Summit for Social Development would not have been possible. (..) I congratulate you on what you have done. I invite you to grasp the banners of the Social Summit to help make it a reality."2

Max van den Berg, the Director of Dutch NGO Novib at the time, responded to this invitation in his address to the Summit as follows:

"We once warned Chairman Somavía that the summit would become a lion which could roar but had no teeth. Tonight, on the eve of the Summit, we feel we are the teeth of a very large lion lying before us. The lion, which is called the Social Summit, is full of royalty and highness. It looks beautiful and important, but in reality its only strength lies in its teeth. That is what we will be. That is both an offer and a promise."3

The following morning Novib Director Max van den Berg announced in a press release the establishment of a follow-up co-ordination, which would be called 'Social Watch'4. This formally marks the beginning of Social Watch although participants of the Development Caucus had developed the idea. The core of this idea was to monitor the implementation of the international commitments at national level.

In many ways the idea of a Social Watch was an obvious one, an idea "that had to emerge". Amnesty International had been reporting for decades on the fulfilment of the obligations of governments under the UN Convention on Civil and Political Rights. Other groups such as the Reality of Aid group monitored the implementation commitments made by OECD countries with regards to aid. Some national groups did some work on the UN Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, but a systematic reporting and engagement linking national level to international commitments on social development was inexistent. Roberto Bissio, the founder and Director of the Social Watch secretariat put it as follows:

"The Social Watch is an effort to do what obviously needs to be done."5

Social Watch evolved naturally from the ongoing engagement of national NGOs with their governments within the context of international negotiations on social development. In other words, what was to become Social Watch had already emerged over a period of almost four years. To appreciate Social Watch as it manifests itself today, it is helpful, if not imperative to understand where it came from. This analysis intends to present the genesis of Social Watch. It will attempt to answer questions such as how was it created? Where did the idea stem from? What were the initial visions and aspirations behind it? How did Social Watch become a reality?

In section 3 the background to the Social Summit itself will be described, and the context in which the NGO participation in the Summit evolved. In sections 4 and 5 I will analyse how, and with what agenda, different NGOs and NGO-groupings became involved in the Social Summit. In section 6 I will analyse the role of Novib in promoting NGO involvement in the Summit, and how this relates to the establishment of Social Watch. In section 7 I will analyse the interaction between different NGO alliances out of which Social Watch emerged. This includes the innovation to utilise electronic communications in NGO interaction with the UN. In section 8 the changing mechanisms for coordination will be discussed - partly resulting from the possibilities created by new communication technologies. In section 9 will discuss the organisation of NGOs in caucuses, enabling a stronger regional and sectoral joint input by interested NGOs. In section 10 the creation of a large programme supported by all the Caucuses in the 'Quality Benchmark for the Social Summit will be described. In section 11 I will discuss how Social Watch transformed from an idea into reality, and finally I will examine the actual realisation of Social Watch with a structure that supported its existence.

This history is told from the perspective of clarifying the background of Social Watch, as it exists today. Hence it leaves out activities by NGOs that may have been relevant to the Summit, but were not crucial to the establishment of Social Watch. In particular the relatively prominent role of the International Council of Social Welfare (ICSW) - one of the CONGO organisations, in influencing the text on the Programme of Action will not be analysed in detail, since its process worked more in parallel with the Social Watch related activities. ICSW kept a fairly individual profile, though it subscribed to many overall statements that the Women's Caucus and Development Caucus would produce.

The events around the Copenhagen Alternative Declaration by the NGOs participating in the NGO forum during the Copenhagen Summit are equally not detailed in this account. The process of the Alternative Declaration was undoubtedly very important as a broad NGO statement, which expressed dissatisfaction with the way in which the Summit dealt with issues crucial to Social Development. Nonetheless, Social Watch developed as a process of engagement to the official process. In this account I have tried to look at what defines Social Watch, and it is not intended, therefore, to be a comprehensive analysis of NGO activity around the Summit.

3 - The Context and Objectives of the Social Summit

The Social Summit fell within a series of UN World conferences which all addressed different aspects of development, including the environmental, human rights, population, and gender equality. The scope for the Social Summit emerged from work of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Juan Somavía, to hold comprehensive consultations with Member States on the World Summit for Social Development. Ambassador Somavía became Chile's representative to the UN following his return from exile in Mexico after the Pinochet dictatorship was sidelined in 1990.

In the analysis of Somavía the UN was entering into an 'identity crisis' after the fall of the Berlin Wall. The significance of the UN during the Cold War in politically guiding international relations through the Security Council was dramatically diminishing. Other multilateral institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the GATT - the predecessor of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) - had become important instruments for international co-operation, particularly since the inclusion of Eastern Europe in its membership. Consequentially the UN's role in international security issues declined, and its tasks in social and economic policy areas were seriously curtailed as well.6

Somavía believed that the UN should win back its mandate in social and economic areas and that 'development' should be put higher at the political agenda. In the United Nations Programme for Development (UNDP) he found an ally. This UN body launched a comeback in 1990 with the 'Human Development Report'. In this annual publication development was measured in terms of human development, as opposed to the limited traditional economic approach of the Bretton Woods Institutions. It was UNDP's attempt to win back political space by creating a vision that challenged the predominant approach, an approach criticised by an increasing number of developing countries.

UNDP also put their thinking for new initiatives strongly in the context created by the end of the Cold War. It was among others an attempt to give new meaning to the concept of 'security', a human centred idea of security. The chief editor of the Human Development Report at the time, Pakistani Mahbud Ul Haq, wrote during the first Preparatory Committee of the Social Summit:

"This is a time when the unthinkable is becoming commonplace - from the handshakes of Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin to the joint Nobel prize for Nelson Mandela and F.W. de Klerk to the close collaboration between the United States and Russia. (..) We stand at a point in history when the very concept of security may be changing."7

In Ul Haq's view the Social Summit should provide concrete substance to the emerging concept of 'human security' developed by UNDP's Human Development Report. In the 1993 Report to the Preparatory Committee Chairman Somavía, elected at its first meeting, introduced it:

"At the heart of the Summit [is] the major issue of human security."8

Somavía saw the 1990 children's Summit as an example of how the political agenda of the UN could be moved. Choosing the right name for the Summit was a challenging question when the idea first emerged in 1991. A 'human development summit' would be too closely associated with UNDP. A 'sustainable development summit' would not distinguish sufficiently from the United Nations Development and Environment Conference (UNCED). An 'economic development summit' was likely to be too offensive vis à vis the Bretton Woods institutions. The term 'social development' was politically the most neutral term.

The nature of the meeting being a Summit was justified later by UN General Secretary Boutros Ghali to be necessary as:

"Social development goes far wider than the mandate of social ministries. It lies at the heart of economic development, of human rights and of peace and security. This is why we must raise the political level at which social issues are discussed, both nationally and internationally."9

When the proposal was launched during the United Nations General Assembly in 1992 there was more interest than had perhaps originally been anticipated. Clinton had just won the Presidential elections. US diplomats were lobbied to give up their opposition in view of the new situation. It was argued that Clinton, who was elected with a social agenda, could not possibly be against the Summit, which would be held during his period as President. After negotiations with the Clinton-team the diplomats of Bush voted in favour of resolution 47/92 of 16th December 1992 in which the United Nations decided to convene a World Summit for Social Development (see annex 1).10

4 - Exploring Possibilities for the Participation of NGOs

Ambassador Somavía was well acquainted with the NGO world and believed that the outcome of the Summit could be enhanced by participation of civil organisations. While in exile he had founded a Non Governmental Organisation that monitored practices of multinational corporations. After Pinochet's partial retreat, Somavía was also the Secretary General of the Chilean Chapter of the Comisión Sudamericana de Paz. This Commission, with members such as Raúl Alfonsín in Argentina, and Gabriel García Marquez in Colombia, had been established in the aftermath of the Cold War and end of dictatorships in Latin America with the view to find a new role for the military. The idea was that stability on the Latin American continent could only be achieved if the military would be given a legitimate role within the structure of the new societies.

In 1992, after resolution 47/92 had been adopted, Somavía approached the Executive Secretary of the Chilean chapter of the South Commission, Carlos Contreras, as well as Roberto Savío, Director at the time of both the International Press Service (IPS) and the Society for International Development (SID). He asked them to help develop a strategy to enhance NGO participation in the preparations for the Summit. The Peace Commission organised a meeting in April 1993 where a 'People's Alliance for Social Development' was constituted, with a secretariat based in Chile. It included an organizing committee with organisations in Africa, Asian and Latin America.

11Independently the People's Alliance and IPS/SID approached Novib, a Dutch development NGO. The interest of Novib's Director to actively participate in the Summit was raised in February 1993 with a meeting set up by SID between Novib Director Van den Berg and Somavía.

12 In September Van den Berg again met with Somavía and accepted a request to be special advisor to Somavía in the preparations for the summit.13

5 - Oaxaca: the Cradle of NGO - Input into the Social Summit

NGO interest in the Social Summit clearly started in Latin America. Not only the Comisión Sudamericana de Paz saw possibilities for NGO involvement. The Mexican NGOs Equipo Pueblo and the Foro de Apoyo discussed with Novib Director Van den Berg the possibility of using the Social Summit to advocate debt swaps as a means of raising public funding for social sectors when he visited Washington and New York in 1993.¹⁴ It was agreed that these Mexican partner organisations¹⁵ would send an English document on substantive issues for the Social Summit. Novib would endorse a position on the basis of these documents. It was further agreed that a group of Mexican NGOs would organise a meeting as a preparation to the Social Summit. This meeting took place in September 1993.

Interest in the Summit was slowly growing. In July 1993 Juan Somavía presents plans for the Social Summit to the Board of Directors of the World Bank. The Bank agreed to co-operate and to produce the necessary documents.¹⁶ The Mexican government in co-operation with the World Bank and UNDP hosted a government meeting in Oaxaca on social development and poverty in early September 1993 as a preparation to the Social Summit.¹⁷ This conference coincided with a number of international and national NGO meetings.

The presence of Somavía and UNDP representatives in Oaxaca together with many NGOs allowed for an initial exchange of views on enhancing NGO participation as a means of strengthening the outcome of the Summit. Apart from the Mexican national platform of NGOs these meetings were attended by a dozen Latin American national organisations, including FASE from Brazil and the Instituto Tercer Mundo (ITeM) from Uruguay¹⁸, as well as the International Council of Voluntary Agencies (ICVA) and the People's Alliance. Participation was from Latin America, with the exception of one American NGO (DGAP) and Novib. In meetings that took place with Somavía and UNDP the NGOs express their hesitation about the Summit partly as a result of the disappointment in the lack of follow-up of the UNCED process. Somavía emphasised that it was necessary to begin thinking about the follow-up at that early stage.¹⁹ Additionally, the NGO representatives emphasised in these meetings the need for a transparent and open communication and information process so as to allow broad participation of a wide variety of NGOs.

The NGOs also stressed the need for preparation at the national level so as to "validate the international process of the Summit." (See annex 2).²⁰ The principle that NGO participation in the Summit had to be based on local experience with social development and that interventions should first and foremost relate to national political realities would become an important element of the Social Summit process and its follow-up. It was also a basic approach of the Social Watch initiative.²¹

The series of meetings in Oaxaca was also used for a preliminary exchange of views between Third World Network, the APC electronic network - both represented by ITeM, and Novib. In a written document ITeM's Director Roberto Bissio concluded:

"From the discussions held yesterday with Juan Somavía, it is clear that NGO participation is a key element for the success of the Social Summit."²²

The document defined what would be considered a "success" of the Summit, and listed the following elements:

"a) an 'integral' discussion of the summit issues (poverty, unemployment, social cohesion) in a process that brings together development and environment NGOs, women groups, peace movements, social organizations (peasants, indigenous people, unions, dwellers) and ethical and religious leaderships to generate the political will required to change the international system, particularly the Bretton Woods Institutions.

"b) a strong opposition to the current attempt by the World Bank to become the implementing agency of social policies, displacing ILO, UNICEF, UNIFEM, WHO, etc.²⁴

The document identified the need for a strong effort of different networks to work together in a co-ordinated way:

"This requires a simultaneous effort on organization and policy formulation, areas where TWN has a major role to play, in collaboration with Novib, Eurostep, etc."

The meeting in Mexico established a concrete plan for co-operation particularly between Third World Network, spearheaded by ITeM, Novib and other Southern partners. The role of Third World Network in general and ITeM in particular, would be crucial in the subsequent process of enhancing NGO interest in the Summit globally, most importantly by using electronic communication of which the potential was perhaps, at the time, not yet fully understood. In a partnership with Novib preparations by ITeM for the Summit were undertaken. While Novib was to provide financial support for the enhancement of NGO participation in the Summit, the NGO group that met in Oaxaca clearly set out principles on which the exercise should be based:

1.  
   1. The need for broad participation, including organisations with experience of social development at local level;
   2. The need to develop specific political strategies relating to specific national and regional political realities;
   3. The need for an inclusive, open and transparent process to encourage participation.

ITeM's experience in outreach work through the electronic APC network was seen as a major asset that could be utilised in mobilising such participation in an open and inclusive manner.

6 - Novib´s Kick Off

In the context of the UN conferences Novib was active during 1993 in the preparations for the UN World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna. For this conference Novib created a 'reference group' of partner organisations. The idea of a 'reference group' stemmed from a meeting in October 1992 between Novib and the UN Non Governmental Liaison Committee in New York. NGLS recommended that a shared approach between Northern NGOs with Southern NGOs would not only enhance the Southern participation in the Conference but would also strengthen the potential impact of the lobbying. The 'reference group' established by Novib in the lead up to the UN human rights conference consisted of women's organisations only. For Novib the participation in the UN Human Rights conference was seen as a step in a bigger initiative towards the fourth World Conference on Women, to be held in Beijing in 1995.

Novib saw the reference group as a very useful tool from a political point of view. First and foremost, it created an exchange with Southern partner organisations on the substance and strategy of advocacy work. Expertise of the New York and Washington based International Human Rights Law Group (IHRLG) assisted in guiding practical and substantive questions on how the UN process could most effectively be influenced. Within Novib the reference group also helped to broaden the involvement in the advocacy process from the political unit to the programme department, in charge of relations with Southern partners. In the EU Oxfam UKI had gained interest in the process and participated in the meetings as well.

When Novib decided to work around the Social Summit, with an interest in ensuring that NGOs would play an important role, the reference group was chosen as the approach to create Southern involvement. At a meeting during the UN Human Rights Conference in June 1993 in Vienna the 'women's reference group' decided, therefore, to embark on a strategy to participate into the Social Summit process as a preparation to the Beijing conference.25 Novib then decided that the existing reference group - functioning with the Women's Conference in Beijing as its main advocacy objective, would be broadened so as to incorporate the Social Summit process as well. Novib's Director General declared in return that the process would keep a strong commitment to raise the issue of women's rights. In this context Novib's director also established the principle that the preparations for the Social Summit and the Beijing Conference would be two elements of one strategy.

The decision to broaden the 'reference group' and use it in the preparations of the Social Summit fundamentally changed the nature of the original 'reference group'. Whereas the first 'women's reference group' consisted of organisations that were already actively involved in the Women's human rights lobby process - and hence had their own programme on the issues, the new version of the reference group incorporated new organisations invited by Novib to participate in the process. No longer was the group composed only of women's organisations. Novib's project department was asked to propose new candidate organisations for the reference group, on the basis of criteria developed by the policy department. Novib would take responsibility for the financial requirements for participation. This would lead later in the process to some ambiguity in the political and financial processes of co-operation between Novib and its partners. It would also lead to some uncertainties concerning 'ownership' and 'visibility' of the advocacy work that needed to be resolved.²⁶

ITeM and Novib agreed in the following months on how the APC network could be used in the preparatory process. It was agreed that an experienced person be employed in New York to ensure that the necessary information was available to NGOs. Novib financed this 'project' and interpreted the tasks of the information manager as administratively supporting all aspects related to the engagement of the reference group in the process. In Novib's view the information manager was based in New York to help Novib in organising the reference group. In Novib's view the provision of information was one element in a set of broader tasks.

ITeM, who employed the information manager, defined the role as enhancing NGO participation in the Summit. It saw the task as ensuring that not only the reference group, but also NGOs in general, were kept updated about any news relevant to the preparatory process of the Social Summit and the Women's Conference. For ITeM information was a strategic asset that should be used to ensure that the right strategic decisions were taken by the NGOs coalitions. ITeM did not see the information manager as being directly accountable to Novib. Differences between Novib and ITeM in the concrete understanding of the terms of this position would continue to cause tensions that were never fully resolved.

The concept of the 'reference group' established a new approach to lobbying by Novib, not on behalf of the partners but with the partners. While this created important new political opportunities it also produced pressure relating to:

1. The influence of Novib as provider of financial support and as an advocacy actor causing inequality in the lobby co-operation between 'partners';
2. The engagement of locally oriented organisations, alongside lobby organisations, ensuing broader participation but also generating differences in the initial ability to define joint strategic processes in the preparatory process.

The 'reference group' was no longer a meeting of equal and independent actors engaged in a common process from different perspectives - according to its original design. The new 'reference group' to the Social Summit had inbuilt pressures that needed to be addressed if co-operation was going to be successful.²⁷

6.1 - Development of a political programme

The establishment of the reference group at the beginning of the process meant that a political programme for the reference group had to be created rather than negotiated. In the beginning Novib took the initiative to do this.28 An initial draft on the possible content of the Summit was prepared by Novib and circulated to 160 Southern partners. Forty-nine organisations responded. The replies were analysed and fed into a second version. TWN provided focus to the content of the meeting during a Brainstorming Meeting organised in Penang.29 The paper was also discussed at regional meetings between Novib and its Southern partners.30 This consultation process eventually led to the publication of the "Novib position paper. The UN Summit on Social Development", presented at the first PrepCom in January 1994. Additionally this paper was widely circulated to Novib's Southern partners.

This Novib position paper drew attention to the structural impediments to social development, and incorporated issues such as debt and structural adjustment. It also sought to address the issue of accountability of the International Financial Institutions and put social development in the context of a human rights perspective. Furthermore, as the work in the reference group was embedded in advocacy for women's rights it drew particular attention to political participation of women. The paper further prioritised the role of civil society on social development as a key issue for the Summit - which obviously also had a strategic importance.

In identifying these issues, the paper pushed the agenda of the Summit to go well beyond the narrow and only national conceptualisation of social development. It brought macro-economic issues on the agenda. It made the connection to the strong and active women's movement, and it brought the role of NGOs themselves on the agenda. In general Southern partners of Novib supported this basic approach, although some initial differences existed as to whether or not human rights instruments would be helpful mechanisms to achieve the other objectives set out in the paper. These differences was resolved by emphasising that human rights were universal ánd indivisible, pointing to the complementarity between civil and political rights on the one hand and social, economic and cultural rights on the other. This merger between a 'rights-based' approach and a macro-economic approach remained an important feature of the substantive common position between NGOs during the Summit preparations. This was important because it enabled the emergence of a coalition between development NGOs with a predominant political-economic analysis with women's rights and human rights organisations.

The 'Novib paper', of which 350 copies were distributed during the first PrepCom, was the most elaborated substantive contribution at the earliest stage of negotiations. It succeeds in influencing the official agenda during the first PrepCom at the end of which the official documents incorporated most elements that had been brought forward in the position paper. Also position papers of other group, such as the Women's Caucus and the International Council of Social Welfare took over proposals from the initial 'Novib paper'.

However, even though the process of putting the lobby-paper together had involved many Southern NGOs, the paper was identified as a 'Novib position paper' and was a barrier to creating a common framework for action for the reference group during the first PrepCom. The reference group, which was initially being referred to as the 'Novib' group, suffered from a lack of space in which to create distinct organisational identities in the process. In time the strategic importance of fluid alliances in which the identity of individual organisations and groups of organisations could be constructed based of efficiency in advocacy was better understood.

7- NGO Alliances

7.1 - People´s Alliance and El Taller

The People's Alliance had not secured a lot of funding for its work by the first PrepCom. Novib had agreed a symbolic contribution, and had also agreed to work with, but not as part, of the People's Alliance.31 The most extensive network engaged in the People's Alliance was El Taller, an NGO based in Tunis. Novib originally established el Taller and at that time was still heavily dependent upon Novib funding. The involvement of El Taller in the Social Summit gave Novib an opportunity to bring together partners involved in both the board of El Taller and the reference group.32 As a result there was very much overlap, particularly in the beginning, between the reference group and the EL Taller group - and hence with the People's Alliance.

7.2 - Linking into the APC network

In November 1993, El Taller held its General Assembly, which coincided with a regional consultation on the Social Summit organised with the People's Alliance. At this meeting the problem was identified that Southern NGOs lacked information with regards to what was happening in the preparations of the Social Summit. A proposal was drafted to develop a project for an 'information officer' in New York which would channel information on the preparations to the Southern (and Northern) NGOs. Several NGOs, all member of the board of El Taller, were identified as focal points for further disbursement of information in the region. The proposal was submitted to Novib, and after approval the position was put out as a tender to the NGO community. November 29th of 1993 Novib offered the job to the candidate from Instituto Tercer Mundo after consideration of a number of Southern candidates.33 The offer, which the information officer accepted, was to:

"assume the post of information broker in New York (..) and disseminate (..) throughout the network of NGOs participating in the events that will lead to Copenhagen, - regional consultations - PrepComs - other relevant meetings - updating agenda's of meetings and monitoring of the Preparation Commission in the UN."34

The appointment of the candidate of ITeM, which was a member of electronic network APC that promoted electronic information dissemination for Non Governmental Organisations, created an enormous potential for the mobilisation of participation at local and national level in the Summit.

7.3 - WEDO

A few other NGOs were instrumental in organising alliances of NGOs during the first PrepCom. The Women's' Environment and Development Organisation (WEDO), whose chair was the famous activist and politician Bella Abzug, well connected to Washington. WEDO had a vast experience in engaging in the UN conferences and worked predominantly with women's' organisations. WEDO's work in the conferences had the objective to engage as many NGOs as possible in a productive process of engagement with the official process. WEDO provided a space for meeting and exchange in the 'Women's Caucus' that they established. It provided important information on the developments in the official process as well as exchanges with representatives of government. The tools produced by WEDO and the Women's Caucus included precise language for inclusion in the official texts distributed to the official delegates.

The Women's Caucus also had a direct link to Somavía, whose wife participated in the Caucus. The Caucus included organisations that participated in the Summit with direct support from WEDO, but it was open to anybody interested in contributing to the issues on which the Caucus was working. WEDO's experience in following UN conferences provided an excellent space for obtaining relevant information and opportunities to learn strategies of engagement with the official process that had a real possibility of influencing the process.35 During the first PrepCom the Novib reference group began to attend the morning Women's Caucus in its entirety. The participation of more Southern and Northern groups related to the 'reference group' gave WEDO an even greater political weight.36 The very close co-operation and trust between Abzug and Novib's van den Berg - also expressed in a 'symbolic' financial contribution from Novib to WEDO, was an important aspect of the NGO alliances established during the Social Summit process.37

7.4 - Eurostep

At the Eurostep Steering Committee meeting of the 24th March 1993 it was agreed that a list of UN meetings should be produced and steps should be made to co-ordinate efforts of the member organisations in these meetings.38 Novib produced this list in April. In June 1993 Novib and the Danish NGO MS raised the question of the participation in the Social Summit in the General Assembly, consisting of its 23 Directors of European Development Organisations. At the same time Mani Tese, one of the member organisations, was organising a Convention to take place in Florence in November 1993 on "People's participation", in part as an input in the Social Summit.39 On 9 December 1993 Somavía attended an informal meeting with the General Assembly of Eurostep.40 A working group of Members active in the Social Summit was established.41 Together with Novib the secretariat of Eurostep prepared a Eurostep statement for the first PrepCom and organised regular meetings for the Members present in the PrepCom.

Eurostep emphasised that a focus should be developed of advocacy towards the EU and EU Member States. The secretariat attended all the PrepComs in order to co-ordinate the work of the several Member organisations involved in the process.42 In doing so it provided a specific focus on the negotiations from a regional reality. In the case of the EU this was particularly complex because positions between EU Member States were co-ordinated and presented by the EU Presidency. Eurostep ensured that advocacy and national and EU level would not be contradictory. It also gave continuity and consistency in relations with the different actors, including the individual Member States, the European Council, the European Commission, the European Parliament and the Presidency.

8 - NGO Networking

8.1 - The power of electronic communication

The organisation of NGOs participation took a new shape in the Social Summit process. Two developments contributed to this. Firstly, new electronic communication technology could ensure that any NGO in even the remotest area could have access to any information of what was happening in New York or anywhere else. Moreover, the appointment by Novib on request of El Taller of an ITeM representative as an information broker in New York for the Social Summit ensured that a truly interactive process could begin between the UN and NGOs. Consequentially NGOs were no longer predominantly consumers of information from the Summit, but they could also send information back. They became active players in the process and hence could influence the outcome.

8.2 - Review of rules for Consultative Status for NGOs

During the preparatory process of the Social Summit, the UN was also formally recognising that its relationship with NGOs should be reviewed and updated. Within the UN there was a recognition that:

"[t]hey [the NGOs, MvR] have increasingly assumed the role of promoters of new ideas, they have altered the international community to emerging issues, and they have developed expertise and talent which, in an increasing number of areas, have become vital to the work of the United Nations, both at the policy and operational levels."43

The UN established an open-ended working group, which would hold a first substantive session in May 9-13 1994, and would complete its work by 1995.

NGOs already in Consultative Status with ECOSOC were organised in the Conference of Non-Governmental Organisations in Consultative Status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council (CONGO). CONGO objected to changes to drastically increase the number of NGOs in consultative status. It argued that:

"treating the representatives of all NGOs equally lowered the rights and privileges of status NGOs while increasing pressure on already thinly spread resources and services."44

At the same time regional and national NGOs continued to press for rules that would give them access to the United Nations system and its conferences. The UN Commission on Sustainable Development mandated to oversee the implementation of 'Agenda 21' agreed on rules that invited all the 1.400 NGOs who had participated in the UNCED Conference to be accredited in order to "continue participation in the work of the Commission".45 The majority of these NGOs, and also Southern NGOs participating in other UN conferences found increasingly that CONGO-arrangements made for them were becoming an obstacle to effectively participating in the UN rather than a facility.

8.3. Facilitating NGO participation in the Social Summit

The situation of numerous national and regional NGOs engaging more directly with the UN processes, clearly created tension between CONGO, which had traditionally provided for information and access to the UN, and the majority of non-CONGO NGOs. On November 3 1993 CONGO wrote to Ambassador Somavía and reported its internal agreement to establish a 'Facilitating Committee' to which it invited: Education International, the International Council of Voluntary Agencies (ICVA), the International Council of Social Welfare (ICSW), the World Federation of UN Associations, ATD Fourth World, the International Council of Social Sciences and the Society for International Development (SID). CONGO also stated that it expected to add more members "in order to ensure outreach to more constituencies".46

In further contacts between Novib and ICVA the intentions of the IFC were explored.47 ICVA was already planning to organise regional meetings and in Geneva it was playing a key role together with the ICSW and Education International in negotiating the terms of an IFC. Novib, which did not have Consultative Status with ECOSOC, sent the International Service for Human Rights as an observer to the meetings in order to be kept informed.

Within the deliberations on this matter ITeM, speaking for TWN, stressed again the importance of interaction at the national level:

"The national debate and preparatory process is (..) the key aspect where the Social Summit can be a contribution in the Third World, where the debate among government, NGOs and social movements is still far from being a standard practice on any issue. We should see that our actions encourage this debate and the participation of civil society at a national level whenever possible, and not substitute that with a top-down approach."48

TWN suggested that NGLS would be asked to coordinate the acquisition and distribution of financial resources.49 Consultations with NGLS clarified that it was not willing, in the first instance, to take this responsibility. NGLS also pointed out that some responsibility was required to work out some framework of operations for the NGOs. Reluctantly, after various interventions of CONGO inviting TWN and Eurostep for discussion during the first PrepCom, negotiations to broaden the IFC were started to ensure that the interest of a broad representation is ensured.50

Following further discussions on the issue of an IFC, ITeM/TWN and Novib/Eurostep decided to negotiate on the basis of the following principles:

1. Organisations, which represent broad constituencies and are active in the Social Summit, should be represented in the IFC;

2. Preferably the IFC should not handle any requests for money. The "objective" UN Non Governmental Liaison Committee (NGLS) should be asked to handle financial support for Southern participation offered by donors on behalf of the NGOs;

3. The IFC should not take any political position and not be engaged in any substantive debate;

4. The mandate of the IFC should be clearly limited to logistical matters;

5. The IFC should not be engaged in organising regional meetings or raising money for those.

This position was confirmed and agreed with the People's Alliance and WEDO. It was also agreed that TWN, Eurostep, People's Alliance and WEDO should all become members of the IFC. If CONGO organisations would not agree, NGLS could be asked to 'fill the gap' and take responsibility for financial matters and logistical support.51

8.4. Establishing a 'loose facilitating committee'

In response to the requests put on the table by ITeM/TWN and Novib/Eurostep CONGO presented a proposal on the 2nd February 1994 in which it proposed a new structure for an IFC. This structure would include the seven proposed CONGO members (including ICVA, ICSW and SID) as well as Eurostep, TWN and the People's Alliance for Social Development, representatives of the Women's Caucus and Regional representatives. In its proposed mandate fund-raising for the IFC and for broader NGO participation was included. There was much disagreement with the proposal among the NGOs, including those proposed as members. A wide number of NGOs did not believe that the involvement of CONGO in the Committee was justified on the basis of its constituency. A consultation of Southern NGOs endorsed the 5 principles on the basis of which negotiations were started by TWN and Eurostep. With no rapprochement between CONGO and other groups on the definition of the mandate negotiations on an International Facilitating Committee were basically stalled.

On January 9, 1994 it is agreed that a general meeting of all NGOs attending the first PrepCom would be convened. This meeting was attended by over 50 organisations. All decisions were taken by consensus and included:52

1. Several NGOs and institutions were already actively disseminating information through newsletters, press releases electronic networks and other media and this should be stimulated;

2. Before the second PrepCom an information meeting for NGOs should be convened, and NGLS and the Danish platform would be requested to facilitate the organisation of such a meeting;

3. NGLS would be requested to assist travel assistance and other means to promote Southern NGO participation.

In the rest of the process loose co-ordination between all the actors ensured the continuously increasing participation of NGOs (see annex 3 ).

8.5. Accreditation

During the first PrepCom it was decided that NGOs, which had attended the first PrepCom, would automatically be accredited for future sessions, as well as to the Summit itself. All NGOs not in consultative status with ECOSOC should become accredited before the second PrepCom and also NGOs from the Commission on Sustainable Development (CSD) should be accredited to the Social Summit and its PrepComs.53 This decision was a further extension of the broadening of NGO engagement in the UN Conferences, particularly UNCED.

9 - Organisation of Caucuses

With the resolution of the tensions surrounding the IFC in the first PrepCom the organisation of NGOs around substantive issues could begin. During the first PrepCom the Women's Caucus was the strongest in terms of participation and output and set an example that could be followed by groupings interested in other issues. Alongside the Women's Caucus, ICSW began to organise a Social Welfare Caucus - later called the 'Issues Caucus'. Regional Caucuses were also emerging. A Development Caucus replaced the earlier meetings of the '(Novib) reference group' - the purpose of which had become difficult to define. The Development Caucus broadened the interaction of development organisations and Southern NGOs to any organisation interested in North-South issues participating at the PrepComs. In the second PrepCom the Development Caucus was organised every day at lunchtime and often attracted more than 50 people.

The Development Caucus worked on the same principle as the Women's Caucus. Based on the individual contacts of NGOs with their governments information was exchanged in the Caucus and lobby strategies were discussed. The lobby interventions were specifically geared to national and regional levels and discussions of NGOs with government delegates were encouraged. Meanwhile overall approaches with regards to advocacy interventions were debated and planned in the Caucus, in response to the official process as a whole. The Caucus also provided a space for newcomers to be included in the ongoing processes, and provided a space where information could be gathered. It also provided meetings of NGOs with government delegates on development related themes.

The Caucuses became the crucial linking point of NGOs with the official process. Representatives of the Caucuses were requested to speak in the plenary on behalf of the NGOs in the remaining PrepComs. The Caucuses also submitted material to the official process on behalf of NGO groupings. The co-operation between the Women's Caucus and the Development Caucus remained very strong throughout the Social Summit process and this laid an important foundation for the follow-up in the creation of Social Watch.

10 - The Quality Benchmark of the Social Summit

NGOs expressed great dissatisfaction at the beginning of the second PrepCom in August-September 1994. Max van den Berg stated on behalf of Eurostep:

"The economic policies of multilateral organisations define poor people as the problem rather then the solution. The initiatives of the poor people themselves are crushed, instead of being welcomed. If we do not address the structural economic policies, that exclude one fifth of the people from fundamental rights of citizens, this summit is as a lion that has no teeth, and can not even roar."

The strong criticisms conveyed in the Development Caucus led to the first common document prepared by the Caucus in collaboration with the women's caucus, called "Twelve points to save the Social Summit."54 This statement, later launched under the title: "The Quality Benchmark of the Social Summit" and endorsed by more than a thousand NGOs from all over the world set the foundation for a set of principles that united participants in the Development Caucus.55 In the first statement of the Development Caucus given to the second PrepCom on the 29th August 1994 the statement was presented.56

The Benchmark would remain throughout the preparations a tool for measuring how much progress the governments made. At the Summit itself the Development Caucus issued a statement "Did we achieve the Quality Benchmark?"57 The 'benchmark' also remained a point of reference in the follow up of the Social Summit (See annex 4).

The 'Quality Benchmark' was an important element in the establishment of Social Watch. Firstly, it demonstrated the new possibilities created by electronic communication in international advocacy. The 'Quality Benchmark' was written by a large number of people all over the world making inputs to the drafts by e-mail. This gave a shared ownership to the document and by email the document became a mobilising tool around the Summit. It was endorsed by organisations from all over the world, even those who could not go to New York, but agreed with its content. Thirdly, the benchmark provided a measure. It introduced the concept of utilising the Summit as a continuous process to measure progress in implementing the goals of social development.

11 - Establishing Mechanisms for Follow-up

11.1 - The original idea

Soon after the Second PrepCom a meeting in preparation of the Intercessional Meeting planned for October 1994 took place in the Netherlands between ITeM, Eurostep and Novib.58 During this meeting the concrete idea to establish Social Watch as a follow up to the Summit was born. It stemmed from the analysis that:

• Follow up should naturally consist of the monitoring of the implementation of the agreed Summit Declaration and Programme of Action;

• It was of crucial importance that monitoring would take place at national level, which would enhance the dialogue between civil society and governments in social development;

• The monitoring exercises should be compiled in such a way that it could contribute to the Commission on Social Development, if it was going to be in charge of implementing this task;

• The monitoring process needed to be open to all who wanted to participate, this could be realised by utilising instruments such as electronic mail and electronic sites, where participants could also respond to the substance offered by others in an ongoing process;

• The monitoring should be specifically directed to measure concrete targets, if established by the Summit;

• A secretariat should be established which had know-how of technically facilitating this process.

• There should be a shared concept of ownership over the instrument by participating NGOs. The mechanism should not be linked to a specific organisation.

The idea of a 'Social Watch' was discussed with colleagues in the Development and Women's Caucus and was received with great enthusiasm. The initial response in Novib to the proposed mechanism was, however, luke-warm and no preparations for any follow-up were undertaken. Further consultations were put on hold.

11.2 - Public announcement

During the Summit - under pressure of the media inquiring what NGOs would do to ensure that implementation of all the plans agreed by the Heads of State would indeed take place, it became clear that a mechanism for follow-up was imperative. In response to questions of the press Novib Director Van den Berg announced the establishment of 'Social Watch' at the Summit in Copenhagen, as a Novib follow-up initiative. In a first response to the results of the Social Summit a Novib press statement said:

"In the coming weeks Novib and its partners will start a world-wide campaign to begin to debate the social issue with national governments. The most important question in this debate is what changes in policy are necessary in order to implement the commitments made in Copenhagen.59

"A worldwide 'Social Watch system' is being prepared, which from the interest of the marginalised will attempt to measure the solidity of the the fine-looking intentions of Copenhagen."

Following this statement the launch of an initiative by Novib was announced in the Development and Women's Caucus.

12 - The Foundation of Social Watch

Many nice ideas have seen the light, but few of those are actually implemented. Novib played a crucial role in enabling the actual foundation of Social Watch. By playing this role, it also created problems that contradicted the essence of the Watch.

The effectiveness of the 'Quality Benchmark' as a mobilising and influencing tool had been its shared ownership, in its creation jointly by many organisations over the Internet. The Benchmark was not associated with any-one particular organisation, or even one caucus. Each organisation could use it as its own tool for its own advocacy purposes in its own context.

The launch of the proposal to establish a Social Watch as a Novib initiative undermined an important principle of the original concept, that the instrument created should not be identified as a mechanism controlled by a single organisation. As the Benchmark, the idea had been that it should promote participation and plurality of views and methods of working.

12.1 - From Copenhagen to Beijing …

In Novib's view Social Watch should reflect the link established between Copenhagen and Beijing. During the Beijing conference a workshop was organised to further discuss the Social Watch initiative, and place it properly in the context of the 1995 UN Conference on Women.

12.2 - .. to Soesterberg …

In November 1995 Novib organised a meeting in Soesterberg with a number of the partners (the "reference group'" with which it had worked in the Social Summit process to discuss follow-up mechanisms. During this meeting Social Watch was formally established and ITeM was asked to propose mechanisms for implementing the initiative. ITeM was initially very hesitant to accept the request to host Social Watch.

ITeM finally accepted to facilitate a secretariat for Social Watch, which would facilitate the production of annual reports monitoring the implementation of the Social Summit. In Soesterberg provisionally a task force was mandated with ITeM as editor, Novib as secretariat, the Freedom for Debt Coalition, the Coordinator of the Beijing process for Latin America and the Caribbean and Third World Network Africa. A Northern American representative was later added as well. The role of Novib as a secretariat for Social Watch was not defined.

In order to make an impact at the first Commission on Social Development after the 1995 Summit a fast-track arrangement was agreed for a zero-issue of a Report of Social Watch to be prepared by early 1996.60 An unusual funding arrangement made this possible in which Novib generously provided the financial resources while the project proposal was being prepared by ITeM. By doing so Novib solidly ensured that the momentum in the founding of Social Watch was maintained. The trial issue was published in March 1996 and was divided into two sections. The first one introducing the idea of Social Watch and the second part included NGO reports from 13 countries.

It should also be noted that the appropriation by Novib of an idea that had naturally evolved of a process of co-operation among the NGOs in the Development Caucus almost destroyed the initiative. Novib assumed full responsibility over the Social Watch initiative and secured initial funding. This also appeared to be an obstacle to raise funds and participation from a much broader base - as the ownership was identified with Novib. Also in political terms participation from a broad base was initially hindered by Novib's political and practical hold on the project, and created difficulty for Social Watch to establish itself in its own right.

12.3 - ... to Montevideo...

ITeM agreed to the 'fast-track option' to produce a book in three months provided it was mandated with full editorial authority. The initial task force was transformed into a coordinating committee mandated with the political thrust of the project. The secretariat of Social Watch was moved to Montevideo, which facilitated the establishment of Social Watch and the publication of the reports. The reference group and coordinating committee met in 1996 to review the demo publication, to discuss the content of the next report and to decide on the organisational structure of Social Watch.

The project proposal setting out the Social Watch Programme of Action from 1996-1999 identifies that it was agreed that the coordinating committee would ensure the transparency of the initiative and define lobbying activities at the international level. This committee would be politically responsible for the edition of the report and would encourage national and regional contributions. It would foster the establishment of national NGO Committees within their regions, so that the reports could be jointly developed.

The task of the secretariat in Montevideo was mandated with the tasks to assist the coordinating committee, ensure communications, record activities, promote networking, compile the information and facilitate its analysis, publish the annual report and disseminate all relevant information about the follow-up of the Social Summit and the Beijing Conference.61

It was further agreed that national Social Watch platforms would become members of the "reference group", which could in this way develop with the evolvement of Social Watch. It was also agreed that the funding of the activities of the national coordinating committees and other reporting NGOs and networks would be their own responsibility, and not that of the Social Watch coordinating committee. The decision to publish their report in the context of Social Watch is made without the interference of any other benefits. The participation of national groups in Social Watch can, therefore, be seen as a measure of its 'added value' to national organisations.62

The 1996-1999 Programme defined the following objective:

"Social Watch aims to contribute to the social development and to the improvement of women's conditions by watching the fulfilment of the World Summit for Social Development and World Conference on Women Commitments. Since those commitments are not binding, Social Watch aims to strengthen citizen's movement at the local, national and international levels, promoting governmental accountability through an ongoing monitoring."63

More specifically Social Watch aimed to:

1) Publish annually a Social Watch Report;

2) Disseminate information on the commitments' follow-up;

3) Promote lobby and advocacy activities at the national, regional and international levels, fostering Social Watch national coordinations, strengthening networking and participating in different follow-up events.

12.4. .. to Cyberspace

Social Watch has created a global network in which social development can be monitored from day to day, and changes and updates can be provided in an interactive process at any moment in time. It has established a new way of relating to international negotiations and diplomatic processes. It does not exist in any particular place, it is everywhere and nowhere at the same time. Most importantly it has established a process in which the local actuality and the international reality are connected in a very real sense. Hence Social Watch is as good as its network, as good as its ability to engender communications between any people - wherever they are, interested in promoting social development.

13 - Conclusions

The foundation of Social Watch is a reflection of a new way in which NGOs relate to multilateral organisation in general and to the United Nations in particular. Its creation is a clear reflection of a period in which electronic communications began to be used as new technological tools for advocacy and mobilisation by NGOs, particularly in the South. The creation of Social Watch stems from an 'obvious' lacuna in which there were hardly any mechanisms to commit governments to implementing social development policies. Social Watch originates from the need to monitor national obligations to economic and social rights within the context of an international enabling environment for social development.

The examination of the foundation of Social Watch leads to the following conclusions.

1. In the view of the chair of the Preparatory Committee for the Social Summit and according to other actors in the UN system, NGOs made a critical difference to the outcome and substance of the Summit. In this light one should see the point made by the UN Secretary General for policy coordination and sustainable development that the Summit marked a turning point in NGO-UN relations. Social Watch is a product of that achievement.
2. The foundation of Social Watch is based on objectives that were identified by NGOs in the preparations to the Social Summit in September 1993 in Oaxaca. Specifically these were stated as:
   
   
   1. The need for broad participation, including organisations with experience of social development at local level;
   2. The need to develop specific political strategies relating to specific national and regional political realities;
   3. The need for an inclusive, open and transparent process to encourage participation.

1. The emphasis of Social Watch to monitor social development at national level stems from, and is consistent with, the initial analysis by NGOs that the value of the Social Summit would be in enhancing dialogue between civil society organisations and governments at national level.
2. ITeM elaborated a strategy for realising the objectives stated in point 2 in September 1993 with the experiences it had gained in utilising electronic media for enhancing NGO participation in the UN Conferences through the APC network.
3. Novib's strategic coalition in building a 'reference group' established a new approach to advocacy by donor organisations in the UN. This created important new political opportunities and enabled broader participation in the Summit. It also produced tensions relating to:

1.  
   
   1. Financial dependency creating political dependency;
   2. As a consequence of this dependency much consultation was needed to establish criteria for participation, substance and strategies. This had the danger of excluding consultation in a broader (not Novib and finances related) setting;
   3. Novib's need to demonstrate that its extensive inputs were justified in terms of results, therefore wanting visibility and tending to claim ownership.
   4. The engagement of locally oriented organisations alongside pure lobby organisations in the process sought to ensure broader participation, but at the same time caused differences in ability to define individual strategic processes and negotiation tactics.
      1. The transformation of the reference group into a Development Caucus was a successful attempt to deal with the tensions referred to in the previous point. It made the NGO co-operation much more inclusive and transparent.
      2. The co-operation achieved at the Social Summit between North and South, the Women's Caucus, the Development Caucus, regional and thematic caucuses, demonstrated by the support for the Quality Benchmark for the Social Summit has been a marking point in the context of NGO participation in UN conferences. The process shows that specificity in interests, agenda's and advocacy strategies by different NGOs can be combined with some level of commonality in the political approach towards the overall process.
      3. The regional caucuses have been crucial instruments to strengthen the Southern involvement and structure Northern involvement in an engagement with their own governments. In the European context Eurostep fulfilled a crucial role in engaging donor organisations in strategies to influence Northern governments.
      4. Notwithstanding all the formal declarations that the importance of the Summit laid in its follow-up hardly any preparations were undertaken to ensure that a mechanism for follow up was developed. Perhaps thanks to Novib's presentation of Social Watch an immediate beginning of a follow-up process was made possible. On the other hand, the take-over of the initiative that had naturally emerged from the nature of NGO cooperation during the Summit almost destroyed the initiative.
      5. This review cannot consider the counterfactual, namely what would have happened to Social Watch without the profound involvement of Novib. Nevertheless, in this regards it is perhaps useful to make a comparison with the transformation of the 'Novib Reference Group' to the 'Development Caucus'. The fundamental understanding that was expressed repeatedly by a coalition of Southern NGOs under the leadership of TWN, namely that an open and transparent participation should be encouraged and promoted, allowed Novib's ambitions in the Summit to be directed in a more helpful and useful approach to partnership. To a larger or lesser extent, Novib has been responsive to these views and has allowed real partnership to emerge in the Social Summit process, based on equality - while accepting independent thinking of its 'partners'.
      6. In other words, one of the yardsticks for the success of Social Watch is exactly how Novib has been embedded as an actor in the overall set up. A key question to address is as to whether Social Watch established an open, inclusive and equal relationship between all political participants, including Novib, as well as a transparent approach to resolving questions that emerged from the central role that Novib took as an initiator and predominant financier of the project.

   This was not always in the best interest of creating common approaches.

   In conclusion, the success of Social Watch has to be measured in terms of its ability to allow national NGOs and national coalitions to engage in a debate with their government on social policy, without exclusion and in an open and transparent manner. The success of Social Watch has to be measured in terms of its ability to engage local organisations with experience in social development in the national debate. These would be measured in the context of the obligations of the international community to create an enabling environment for social development. If Social Watch has made representations on this basis of engagement with the UN follow up mechanisms of the Social Summit, it certainly has achieved the ambitious objectives set out by NGOs in the beginning of the preparations to the Social Summit in the summer of 1993. Social Watch was established as an enabling process that would work towards substantive goals. It is first and foremost the quality of this process that must be assessed in any examination of its success.